Who Has the Power
The Senate is set to vote at 11 a.m. to advance a housing affordability package, while the House is out, according to POLITICO's Inside Congress newsletter. At 1:45 p.m., a vote is expected to confirm George Holding as director of the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. Senate Commerce will hold a 10 a.m. markup of legislation to revamp college sports rules, and Senate Judiciary will hold a 10:15 a.m. markup of legislation, including a bill to create new protections against AI-enabled replicas and deepfakes online.
But the bigger story is the one playing out inside the machinery itself: President Donald Trump has pushed Senate Republicans to the brink of their patience, and they are not staying quiet about it. The newsletter says the president in recent weeks has been firing out missives Republicans view as bad decisions that undermine their ability to deliver legislative wins as the midterms approach.
The Pushback From Inside the Machine
The latest irritation was an early-morning Truth Social post yesterday in which Trump upended GOP plans to quickly confirm Jay Clayton as the new director of national intelligence and revive a key surveillance bill that the president already derailed earlier this month. Sen. Shelley Moore Capito said, "The president’s timing and communication needs improvement," and added, "I think it’s unfortunate. It throws a kicker into the system when we get going and then we have to readjust."
That is the language of a political apparatus trying to keep its own schedule while the top of the hierarchy keeps yanking the levers. Trump’s U-turn on Clayton is one of several fronts where senators have pushed back in recent weeks. Republicans also foiled plans to fund part of his White House ballroom project in a recent immigration enforcement funding deal and forced the Justice Department to abandon plans for the $1.8 billion "Anti-Weaponization Fund."
Sen. John Kennedy answered "No" when asked if Trump takes senators into consideration, saying, "He wants what he wants, and until he gets it, he just keeps pushing." Sen. Thom Tillis, who announced his retirement last year after breaking with Trump on policy legislation, said the dynamic is "undermining our ability to produce the very results he wants."
What They Call Coordination
The frustrations are also bubbling up as the president is trying to sell an Iran peace deal that a section of his party despises. Trump has handed Republicans a midterm playbook they are unlikely, and unable, to heed: get rid of the filibuster, fire the Senate parliamentarian and pass an election security overhaul known as the SAVE America Act.
A senior White House official, granted anonymity to discuss internal deliberations, said, "If everyone just follows his lead, follows the blueprints he’s laid out, and runs on the record that he has, then I think we’ll fare well." Senate Majority Leader John Thune said his relationship with Trump was "fine" amid the public turmoil. He later said the White House and Senate Republicans do a "fair amount of coordination," but added, "But sometimes you get surprised," and, "It’s a business model the White House employs, and we’ve had to figure out how to be adaptable."
That is the polished language of managed conflict: coordination, adaptability, business model. Meanwhile, the people below are left to absorb the consequences of decisions made above them, whether the issue is surveillance, redistricting, or the latest internal power struggle.
Redistricting as a Structural Advantage
The newsletter also says Republicans are making the case that their 2026 redistricting gambit might save their House majority in November. The National Republican Congressional Committee, in a memo shared first with POLITICO, argues that the GOP effort to redraw maps across several states has created "structural dynamics [that] favor Republicans," shrinking the number of competitive House districts and forcing Democrats to go deeper into conservative areas.
The NRCC does not specify the number of districts Republicans made safer through redistricting, though most estimates hover around nine. It points to how much the House map has changed since 2018, when Democrats gained 43 House seats during Trump’s first term. The committee says, "Across the 44 Republican-held seats Democrats claim to target, Trump averaged 53.2 percent in 2024. By comparison, across the 43 seats Democrats flipped in 2018, Trump averaged just 46.6 percent in 2016 and never once won a majority."
That is the map-making side of power: redraw the lines, narrow the choices, and call it democracy. The numbers in the memo show the same old game in cleaner language, with the party apparatus treating geography itself as a tool for preserving control.