The State Monopoly on the Border
A second day of Israel-Lebanon negotiations began in Washington on Wednesday, with the stated goal of advancing a comprehensive peace and security arrangement between the two countries. On the table was a pilot program under which the Lebanese Armed Forces would deploy to specific areas in southern Lebanon while the IDF would withdraw from those locations. In other words, the same borderlands where ordinary people live are being treated as a chessboard for armed institutions, with Washington hosting the match.
Two officials familiar with the discussions said no significant progress was made during the first day of talks on Tuesday, though they described the atmosphere as positive and expected a joint statement by the end of the talks on Thursday, along with agreements on launching the Lebanese Army pilot program. The main disagreement centered on where the pilot should start. Lebanon, with US backing, wanted the initiative to begin in areas currently occupied by Israeli forces, while Israel preferred to start in parts of southern Lebanon where the IDF was not currently deployed.
Who Gets to Control the Ground
An Israeli official said, “We first need to see whether they can meet the objective and clear the area of Hezbollah’s presence. If that works, the model can also be implemented in areas where the IDF is currently stationed.” The language is tidy, bureaucratic, and familiar: first one armed force “clears” a zone, then another one moves in, all under the banner of security. The people who actually live there do not appear in the formula except as terrain.
US Secretary of State Marco Rubio said the disputed buffer zone between Israel and Lebanon was “at the core of” US-mediated negotiations between the two countries. He said the aim was for the Lebanese government to “continue to be able to control and secure more and more of their own territory.” Rubio added, “The more of that area the Lebanese armed forces is able to secure, the less of it is in Hezbollah’s control, and the less Israel will be in Lebanon.”
That is the state system in one sentence: one armed authority replacing another, territory measured by who can police it, and “security” defined as which hierarchy gets to stand on which patch of ground.
Two sources familiar with the matter said Iranian involvement in the Lebanese issue, following the memorandum of understanding signed between the United States and Iran last week, had complicated the negotiations. They said both sides were expected eventually to reach an understanding because Israel and Lebanon both had strong incentives to do so. One official said, “Lebanon has an interest in demonstrating that it does not take orders from Iran and that Tehran does not control Lebanon. Israel, for its part, has no interest in handing Iran any achievements related to Lebanon.”
No Withdrawal, Just Rebranding
Senior Israeli officials continued to insist there would be no withdrawal from Lebanon. At the municipalities conference, MUNI EXPO 2026, in Tel Aviv, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said, “We will remain there.” Defense Minister Israel Katz said Israel would not withdraw from southern Lebanon even if the US requested it. He said, “Two hundred thousand residents will not return. There are no civilians and no terrorists there. We will not leave the security zones in Syria and Lebanon – this is our security doctrine. The IDF must remain on the enemy’s side of the border and defend Israeli communities from within the territory itself.”
Katz continued, “Because in the past, security zones that included civilian populations became the site of roadside bombs and attacks against our soldiers. We will not allow that to happen again. Soldiers inside, civilians outside. The infrastructure has been destroyed, the houses are damaged and dangerous. We are not withdrawing.”
The bluntness is useful. The zone is not being described as a place for return, repair, or civilian life. It is being described as a military buffer, with damaged homes and destroyed infrastructure folded into the logic of permanent occupation by another name.
The fifth round of discussions between the two nations began on Tuesday and focused on the creation of “pilot areas” in southern Lebanon from which IDF troops would withdraw, allowing Lebanese military forces to take their place. US Ambassador to Lebanon Michael Issa reportedly told Lebanese news outlet Al-Jadeed TV that some difficulties arose on the first day of talks, but said he hoped the sticking points would be resolved through further discussions. According to an Axios report on Wednesday, the first day of talks ended with no progress, and two sources briefed on the negotiations told Axios that there was a sense the discussions resulted in more regression than steps forward.
Before Tuesday’s talks, Leiter said, “This is the fifth round of talks, and I must say, we are heading toward a train wreck... that train is in danger of derailing.” He said Iran-funded Hezbollah might be given “a new lease on life” under a recently signed US-Iran memorandum of understanding, warning that it may allow Tehran to continue to funnel resources to the Lebanese terrorist group.
US Republican Senator Lindsey Graham told the Shas-affiliated newspaper Haderech that he believed Israel should not withdraw from Lebanon, Maariv reported on Wednesday. Graham said, “In my opinion, the chance of a real agreement between Israel and Lebanon is almost zero as long as Iran is negotiating on behalf of Hezbollah with the United States.” He added, “I will take a very tough line against any agreement that would be seen as limiting freedom of action with Hezbollah.”
The result, so far, is a familiar diplomatic loop: armed institutions, US mediation, territorial bargaining, and civilians left to live with the consequences while officials argue over which force gets to call the next checkpoint a peace arrangement.