
Israeli forces withdrew from West Zawtar in July, testing a US-backed plan to pair a gradual Israeli pullback with Hezbollah’s disarmament. Since then, nothing has followed. The two sides haven’t agreed on any further pilot zones, and the eighth round of direct Lebanese-Israeli negotiations under US mediation remains suspended.
The immediate dispute is over who verifies whether Hezbollah’s weapons are actually gone. Israel wants a role on the ground. Beirut won’t hear of it.
The Verification Standoff
A Lebanese military source told Arab News that Israel is running a systematic campaign to force direct coordination between the two armies. “Israel wants the Lebanese Army to become like Lahad’s army, taking orders and carrying out instructions,” the source said. “That will never happen.” The source compared the proposed role to the Israeli-backed South Lebanon Army, once commanded by Antoine Lahad during Israel’s occupation of southern Lebanon.
The source said the framework agreement reached in US-mediated talks explicitly provided for a verification mechanism, and accused Israel of rejecting every proposal, including French, Italian and German participation. Washington, the source added, was unwilling to deploy American personnel because of the risks involved.
Retired Maj. Gen. Abdel Rahman Shehaitly, Lebanon’s former representative in negotiations over the southern land border, took the same line. “What Israel really wants is to become the Lebanese army’s direct coordinator. That is simply unacceptable,” he told Arab News. Even during roughly three decades of Syrian military presence in Lebanon, he noted, coordination ran through a designated liaison office.
The Israeli military’s position, given to Reuters, is blunt: efforts to eliminate the threat posed by Hezbollah’s weapons remain incomplete. It said drones identify potential threats and restrictions on residents’ movements protect Israeli troops. Israel’s criticism centers on the Lebanese military’s efforts to disarm Hezbollah and inspect facilities suspected of belonging to the Iran-backed group.
A Pilot Zone Short of Promises
The stalemate’s human cost is visible in West Zawtar. Mayor Abed Ezzedine told Reuters the program had failed to deliver. “In principle, I can tell you that no, it’s not successful. Based on what we were promised: that West Zawtar as a pilot zone would be a model town,” he said. Basic services remain scarce. Electricity and running water are largely unavailable.
Some voices in Lebanon are pressing the Armed Forces to take a firmer approach in areas under its control, while criticizing the government for failing to create conditions for displaced residents to return. The Lebanese source also accused Israeli forces of continuing to demolish houses in nearby East Zawtar, and said missiles sometimes land meters from Lebanese soldiers. Israeli military operations continue in the so-called yellow zone, where evacuation threats have kept displaced residents from returning.
The Regional Frame
This isn’t a bilateral dispute. More than a million Lebanese fled their homes after hostilities began seven months ago, when Israel launched airstrikes and a ground invasion after Hezbollah fired into Israel in solidarity with Tehran during the war involving Iran. Ending the conflict in Lebanon was among Iran’s conditions for a broader peace agreement, which is why Washington has intensified its push for a settlement.
A ceasefire was agreed in June, yet Israeli forces have continued deadly strikes in Lebanon and still control a self-declared security zone covering dozens of villages, many demolished during the campaign.
A US State Department spokesperson called the pilot-zone process “the only viable path” to security for both Lebanon and Israel. The spokesperson said the initiative would expand once the Lebanese military finishes clearance operations in the initial zone, adding that Hezbollah’s disarmament is “an integral part of this process.”
Beirut hasn’t received official word from Washington on the next meeting. There’s been speculation about a military-focused round in Florida before the end of October, but no date has been communicated to the Lebanese side.
Why This Matters: The pilot-zone model rests on a simple exchange: Israeli withdrawal for Hezbollah’s disarmament, confirmed by someone both sides trust. Without that verifier, suspicion fills the gap. Israel says the weapons threat isn’t eliminated; Lebanon says Israel is angling for control of its army. Hezbollah, an Iran-backed group, benefits from every month of delay. Washington’s own reluctance to put personnel on the ground leaves the mechanism unbuilt, and a withdrawal without credible verification would leave Israeli troops and northern communities relying on Hezbollah’s restraint. From a security standpoint, that’s a gamble no Israeli government is likely to take.