Poland slashed work permits for non-EU citizens by 22% last year, while Hungary's new government in June of this year stopped issuing worker visas to employees from the Philippines, Georgia, and Armenia. These actions, driven by nationalist pressure on ruling centrists in Warsaw and Budapest, are tightening the grip of Fortress Europe, criminalising movement and undermining the very economies they claim to protect. Both Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk, in power since 2023, and Hungarian Prime Minister Peter Magyar, who won in a landslide in April of this year, are implementing these curbs to appease nationalist rivals.
Public opinion polls reflect a manufactured moral panic around migration. An IBRiS survey for Wirtualna Polska news website in January of this year found that around two-thirds of respondents in Poland believe the country should accept fewer non-EU migrants. In Hungary, an analysis published by Republikon Institute earlier this month showed that nearly half of Hungarians would not allow any migrants from poorer countries, with another 40% allowing only a smaller number. This widespread sentiment provides political cover for policies that systematically exclude and exploit.
Fortress Europe's Economic Self-Sabotage
Economists warn that these restrictions on foreign labour will hurt growth prospects and public finances in both nations. Marcin Tomaszewski, lead economist for the EU region at the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, stated that "Fewer workers mean slower growth and less tax coming in, while an older population costs more in pensions and health." He highlighted that both countries are "ageing before they are rich, and both only recently became places people move to rather than leave." The Polish Economic Institute forecast in 2024 that Poland, whose labour force already relies on over 1 million foreigners—around two-thirds of whom are Ukrainian—could face a deficit of 2.1 million workers by 2035. Declines in industry alone could potentially reduce gross domestic product by 6% to 8%. A 2026 report by Deloitte, Ipsos, and the Institute of Public Affairs further underscored this reliance, noting that non-EU workers contributed up to 10.7% of Poland's economic output last year, amidst birth rates at their lowest since World War Two.
Polish Deputy Interior Minister Maciej Duszczyk claimed that Poland did not want an economy based largely on cheap labour, stating that the country needed to "adjust our whole system of functioning of the society" as it transitioned from an emigration country to a migration one. In June, the ministry reported issuing eight times fewer work visas in the first quarter of 2026 compared with the same period in 2022, though this comparison was affected by a change in rules for Ukrainians. This selective approach highlights the structural racism embedded in Europe's asylum and labour systems, where some non-EU workers are deemed essential while others are criminalised.
The Human Cost of Bureaucracy
Businesses are already feeling the impact of the bureaucratic machinery designed to deter. Nadia Winiarska, deputy director of the labour department at Polish business federation Lewiatan, reported that companies complain about work permits taking over six months and residence permit applications taking nearly a year to process. Rahul Jha, a 35-year-old restaurant owner, recounted losing a chef at his South Indian restaurant who grew tired of waiting over a year for a temporary residence permit. "Denmark gave him a five-year visa ... like immediately, a skilled visa. So he just moved out from here," Jha explained. This demonstrates how the deliberate slowdown of processing times functions as an effective, if unofficial, deportation mechanism.
In Hungary, Prime Minister Magyar became embroiled in a public spat with Master Good, a poultry producer. The company indicated it might halt a factory expansion due to the new migration policies. Magyar accused Master Good, which had received state support, of attempting to "threaten the government and the Hungarian people," suggesting it could hire locally if it paid more. However, owner Laszlo Barany countered that his 580 Filipino staff were essential given an ageing population, noting, "People get old, they retire and there is no demographic supply, while those entering the workforce are not looking for this type of job." This exchange exposes the hypocrisy of governments that simultaneously rely on migrant labour and demonise it, using welfare chauvinism to divide the working class and deflect from systemic issues.