Restrictions on Starlink-related military services disrupted Ukrainian drone operations. Ukrainian officials reported connectivity problems and several cancelled missions. The episode shows how a privately controlled communications network can become part of a country’s wartime infrastructure—and how decisions made far away can affect people and operations on the ground.
A private switch in a war network
Starlink, operated by SpaceX, has helped preserve Ukrainian communications since Russia’s full-scale invasion in February 2022 threatened telecommunications through attacks, cyber operations and electronic warfare. When terrestrial infrastructure suffered damage or disruption, thousands of terminals connected to satellites in low Earth orbit. A system not originally designed for military use became useful for military and emergency needs: a terminal serving a rural school could also support emergency responders, military logistics or communications among dispersed military units.
Reliable digital connectivity now forms part of national defence, the writers argue. Modern forces rely on networks connecting sensors, intelligence, command systems and operational units. Communications can fail. Even technologically advanced forces may then become fragmented. Yet a private company can become strategically indispensable without the political accountability mechanisms that apply to elected governments.
That dependence has consequences. Decisions on coverage, access restrictions, technical support and operating conditions can carry military and diplomatic weight. The writers ask how much strategic autonomy a country has when its national security infrastructure depends heavily on a foreign commercial provider. Their answer isn't to reject foreign technology, but to avoid vulnerability through dependence.
Reuters reported on October 14, 2026, that restrictions on Starlink-related military services disrupted Ukrainian drone operations. Ukrainian officials said some systems had connectivity problems when moving above approximately 160 kilometres per hour, and several military missions were consequently cancelled. The article distinguishes commercial Starlink from Starshield, its military-grade counterpart.
Orders made far away, costs paid on the ground
Reuters reported on October 16, citing officials familiar with the decision, that the order to limit Starshield originated inside the White House. The precise chain of responsibility wasn't publicly established. Ukrainian personnel reported that restrictions affected communications with headquarters and the speed of battlefield information transmission. Access to a key capability could change through decisions made thousands of kilometres away.
The account describes a sharp contradiction: commercial innovation helped Ukraine resist military aggression, while reliance on that technology left communications exposed to decisions beyond Ukraine's control. Technological superiority, the writers say, doesn't guarantee strategic independence. People operating with disrupted networks bear the immediate consequences. The service's private control sits elsewhere.
The article doesn't describe a grassroots or community-run communications response. Instead, it focuses on what states and regional institutions could build to reduce reliance on any single outside provider. That distinction matters: the proposals remain institutional, not a report of people taking control of the infrastructure themselves.
Asean's options—and their limits
The writers connect Ukraine's experience to Southeast Asia, where security concerns span the South China Sea, Strait of Malacca, Sulu Sea and surrounding maritime approaches. Malaysia, Indonesia and the Philippines must protect extensive maritime territories; Vietnam faces persistent strategic pressures in the South China Sea; and Singapore depends heavily on uninterrupted digital and commercial connectivity. Satellite links could support maritime awareness, emergency response, coastguard operations and monitoring remote territories. Malaysia's security requirements in Sabah and Sarawak illustrate the need for reliable communications across dispersed areas.
The proposed answer isn't to reproduce Starlink's large and costly constellation. The writers call for interoperable systems combining terrestrial networks, submarine cables, satellite services and secure national infrastructure, alongside partnerships with the United States, China, Japan, South Korea, India and Europe. But diversified partnerships don't automatically end dependence when critical technology remains concentrated among a few external actors.
They also urge investment in indigenous expertise, regional research cooperation, cybersecurity and protection of critical digital infrastructure. Institutions of higher learning, including IIUM, could contribute research on artificial intelligence governance, national security and emerging technologies. Asean could develop regional principles for commercial satellite communications during crises, including service continuity, transparency, contractual safeguards and providers' responsibilities.
The writers describe this approach as “polytropous”: pursuing multiple technological, economic and security relationships without surrendering independent decision-making. They argue that communications resilience, data security and control over defence-supporting systems now matter alongside soldiers, ships, aircraft and missiles. Their closing warning is plain: Asean can welcome innovation and build partnerships, but dependence on privately controlled systems leaves vital choices outside the hands of the communities and countries relying on them.
- starlink
- ukraine
- spacex
- satellite communications
- russia-ukraine war
- asean
- military technology
- strategic autonomy